Prime Minister Shaukat
Aziz's increasingly bulky cabinet is not just the largest
in Pakistan's history, but also the most expensive to
maintain.
After the unprecedented turnout in the Attock and Tharparkar
constituencies, and his 'landslide' victory, Prime Minister
Shaukat Aziz exhibited his largesse by appointing the
biggest ever cabinet in the country's history, comprising
59 members. He did so in direct violation of General Musharraf's
rhetoric about austerity and the recommendations of the
Committee on Restructuring and Rightsizing of the Federal
Ministries and Division formed in August 2000 on the basis
of a cabinet decision - of which, ironically, Aziz himself
was a key member. In addition to the 59 ministers, the
Prime Minister has appointed three constitutional advisers
who automatically become members of the cabinet. Of the
three, two - Sharifuddin Pirzada and Nilofar Bakhtiar
- have also been in the Jamali cabinet, while the third
is newcomer, Dr. Salman Shah. It is likely that the advisers'
pool will grow further, as under the constitution, the
Prime Minister is allowed to have five advisers.
Eleven other top government officials
have been given the status of federal ministers and ministers
of state, including Hamid Nasir Chattha, Daniyal Aziz,
Tariq Ikram, Dr Nasim Ashraf, AGN Abbasi, Mahmood Ali,
Raja Tridev Roy, Attorney General Makhdoom Ali Khan, Dr
Atta-ur-Rahman, Dr Ashfaq Ahmad and Major General Inayat-ullah
Niazi. However, though these individuals will enjoy the
perks and privileges of ministers, they cannot refer to
themselves as ministers, nor are they entitled to attend
cabinet meetings, except on special invitation, as has
been the case with Daniyal Aziz. They are also not allowed
to use flagstaff cars.
During Balakh Sher Mazari's 37-day rule
the number of ministries was increased to a record high,
but the entire interim set-up was declared null and void
by the Supreme Court while restoring the Nawaz Sharif
government. That apart, previous to Shaukat Aziz's cabinet,
the credit for having the largest cabinet went to former
Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo, who had almost 50
ministers and ministers of state. Benazir Bhutto also
had an expanded cabinet, but did not make history in this
respect.
Shaukat Aziz's cabinet is almost twice
the size of the one operating under former Prime Minister
Zafarullah Khan Jamali. His cabinet had 18 ministers and
seven ministers of state, taking the total to 25. Jamali
also had five advisers.
During his 45-day rule, which ended with
the elevation of Shaukat Aziz to Prime Minister, Chaudhry
Shujaat Hussain largely continued with the Jamali cabinet.
Hussain added only two ministers from among the FATA MPs
to take the number of ministers and ministers of state
up to 27.
Shaukat Aziz's cabinet has 22 members
more than Shujaat's, and except for two ministers of state,
includes all the members of the Shujaat-Jamali cabinet.
Interestingly, the government had to
create new ministries and divisions to match the number
of ministers it had inducted. Among the very first orders
issued by the new Prime Minister, was, in fact, the creation
of new ministries. These include ministries of textiles,
tourism, minorities, ports and shipping, social welfare
and special education. There is also a new ministry of
defence production, while the former ministry of industries
and production has been renamed the ministry of industries,
production and special initiatives. Until the printing
of this report, seven federal secretary slots were still
lying vacant, while the ministers are well ensconced in
their respective positions.
Based on the official data, one federal
minister's monthly salary, inclusive of special relief
allowance, utility allowance, equipment allowance, transport,
house furnishings and assorted bills amounts to 138, 500
rupees. Monies spent on foreign tours and accommodation
in the ministers' enclave are in addition to this sum.
Salaries, perks and benefits, transportation, accommodation
and retirement benefits allocated for personal staff officers,
private secretaries, personal assistants, stenotypists,
dispatch riders and peons are also not included in ministers'
monthly expenses. Similarly, a state minister costs the
national exchequer 110,000 rupees each month.
After the cabinet formulation, the government
appointed 33 parliamentary secretaries from among currently
serving MNAs. This number is also expected to rise to
42 to equal the number of federal divisions. Besides official
staff, parliamentary secretaries are entitled to telephone
facilities at home and in the office, in addition to an
official car, and the perks and privileges allowed to
members of Parliament. For the record, Shaukat Aziz has
already expanded the Federal Secretariat to a record level,
with 39 ministries and 42 divisions. This means that there
will be at least 39 parliamentary secretaries. Apart from
ministers, state ministers and parliamentary secretaries,
the government has also set up 39 standing committees
of the National Assembly for each federal division. The
27 chairmen of these committees, most of whom belong to
the ruling parties, are also allowed offices, staff, telephone
facilities and staff cars. Besides these there are two
NA special committees, one on Kashmir and the other on
the implementation of a presidential package on agriculture.
Similarly, there are 27 chairmen for the Senate's standing
committees for various divisions, who are enjoying all
the privileges of their dual positions as parliamentarians
and heads of their respective bodies.
Meanwhile, the Prime Minister is retaining
the ministries of finance and revenue, planning and development
and economic affairs and statistics.
Conservative estimates - based on official data on salaries,
perks and privileges - suggest that the monthly expenditure
incurred by the federal cabinet, parliamentary secretaries,
chairmen of the NA and Senate standing committees and
special committees on the national exchequer exceeds the
figure of 200 million rupees annually. The same sum of
money could provide employment for some 5,833 individuals
in the public sector.
Federal Information Minister, Shaikh
Rashid Ahmad downplayed the estimated annual expenditure
while replying to a question. He told Newsline, "This
is not a big cabinet. Malaysia and Saudi Arabia have cabinets
of the same size." The minister also maintained that
with the induction of some young parliamentarians, fresh
air will be breathed into the cabinet, and furthermore,
these young ministers would receive hands-on training
to run the affairs of the state.
In response to the critical question
of whether efficiency would improve with the huge battalion
of ministers, Rashid said, "I'm sure it will as the
Prime Minister has set targets for each of us, and they
will be reviewed every three months." The Prime Minister,
himself, has reportedly stated that his cabinet will be
instrumental in improving the system of governance in
of the country.
Since the new cabinet took oath, National
Assembly proceedings have been routinely plagued by a
lack of quorum. Some 100 MNAs of the treasury benches
have been abstaining from the sessions. These include,
among others, Kashmala Tariq who is annoyed she has not
been made a minister. Those appointed ministers and committee
chairmen, meanwhile, seem to have little interest in the
proceedings, many having opted for official overseas tours.
Federal Minister, Sher Afgan, had to
withdraw a letter in which he advised his treasury colleagues
not to plan official overseas trips when either of the
two houses was in session after facing serious humiliation
in the Senate at their hands. Now the government is mulling
over a plan to offer the senators lucrative offices, such
as chairmen of corporations like PIA and PTV, to induce
them to stay in the country and attend sessions.
All the perks the ministers have been
offered notwithstanding, not all the ministers will enjoy
equal benefits. Since there are 23 bungalows in the Ministers'
Enclave and candidates for a house many times that number,
there are bound to be some disgruntled ministers. It is
a similar situation with other official chambers and cars
as the cabinet's central pool of official vehicles cannot
meet the inflated demands of the new cabinet. According
to an estimate, the government will have to purchase a
new fleet of cars to meet the new requirements. To complicate
matters further, every appointee wants the newest model
in cars and the best accommodation, preferably in Islamabad's
E-7 sector if the minister's enclave is not available.
The minimum rent of a medium sized house in this sector
is around 60,000 rupees.
All the concerned ministries have been
directed to arrange the vehicles for their respective
ministers and parliamentary secretaries from their own
resources. Moreover, the ministries have also been tasked
to make available offices and provide staff for their
ministers and parliamentary secretaries, and if the funds
required for these provisions are in short supply, the
ministries have been asked to directly approach the Prime
Minister's office.
When the new ministries were created,
their respective functions were not clearly outlined and
neither the concerned Federal Ministries that have been
split to create the new ones, nor the finance ministry,
nor even the management services wing of the establishment
division were involved. As for how ministries have been
divided, the former ministry of culture, sports, tourism,
youth affairs and minorities is a good example. It has
now been split into three ministries - the ministry of
tourism, the ministry of minorities and the ministry of
culture, sports and youth affairs.
A cabinet notification has created the
ministry of defence production by splitting the defence
ministry. It is worth mentioning here, that former Prime
Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali had attempted to put PIA
under his own control by taking it out of the defence
ministry, but eventually reversed this decision after
Defence Minister Rao Sikandar Iqbal threatened to quit.
And now there is talk of a ministry of aviation, but nothing
has materialised in this respect so far.
The ministry of ports and shipping has
been created through the bifurcation of the ministry of
communication. The former ministry of women, development,
social welfare and special education, has now been divided
into a women's ministry and the ministry of social welfare
and special education.
While defending the government, the Prime
Minister's secretariat contended that under the rules
of business the Prime Minister has the discretion to create
as many ministries as he feels are needed. Section 3(2)
of the rules of business, the spokesman said, reads: "The
Prime Minister may, whenever necessary, constitute a new
ministry consisting of one or more divisions."
Critics of the bulky, new set-up, however,
maintain that not only is the expansion of the secretariat
in direct conflict with the much-publicised 'rightsizing'
of the government machinery, but also that it negates
good governance. They argue that good governance demands
that new institutions should only be created after thorough
discussions and following consultations between the concerned
institutions, not in the hasty manner witnessed this time.
On August 23, 2000, the cabinet formed
a central committee headed by the deputy chairman, Planning
Commission, to restructure and 'rightsize' the federal
ministries and cabinet division. After holding 18 detailed
meetings, the committee came up with a report which was
submitted to General Pervez Musharraf who had declared
himself the committee's chief executive. The report recommended
the merger of divisions and ministries rather than the
creation of new ministries by bifurcating the existing
ones.
The report states, "The CRR reviewed
30 federal divisions. Based on their working, mission
statements, requirements of consistent policy-making and
effective coordination, the committee proposes to merge
many divisions and have their number reduced. The CRR
proposes the merger of 30 divisions into 21 divisions."
The committee had also recommended, "In
order to protect the high calibre required for quality
decision-making, a division merging into another would
be called a wing and be headed by a special secretary
in BS 22."
So much for the recommendations. Instead,
what the nation has seen after the assumption of office
by the smart Citibank economist is a complete U-turn from
the previous much talked about policy of austerity. Clearly,
that policy was just that - talk.
And despite all the tall claims by Shaukat
Aziz of the benefits of such a huge cabinet, no one is
fooled. This is a direct manifestation of the politics
of appeasement and accommodation.