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Indo-Israel
Military Cooperation
What
Pakistan Doing?
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Fact Report
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India's
relations with Israel lay dormant for about four decades.
However, the changes in the international geo-strategic
environment compelled India to establish full diplomatic
relations with Israel in 1992.
The main events that compelled India to reconsider the
decision of establishing diplomatic ties with Israel were-the
Gulf War which seriously undermined the unity of the Arab
world, end of the cold war, which had a positive impact
on the peaceful solutions of many international problems,
for example; Arab Israeli peace talks, urgent need for
better relations with the US, Pakistan's propaganda against
India in the West Asian and North African states in order
to establish an Islamic bloc and to internationalise the
Kashmir issue, lack of support from the Arab countries
during the time of crisis and their support to Pakistan
at the OIC (Organisation of Islamic Conference) meetings,
and less consideration for the Muslim vote bank in the
calculation of the regime in power, on the domestic front.
Besides this, India was also aware of Israel's achievements
in agricultural technologies as well as better industrial
know-how which could create a big scope for cooperation.
The normalisation of relations left both countries to
explore as many areas as possible. While Indo-Israel relations
increased rapidly in the field of trade and agriculture,
both the countries continued to explore as many areas
as possible for mutual co-operation. 'Military' is one
such area which both the countries are exploring.
In the military field, the former Soviet Union has been
a strong and traditional friend and partner of India.
Though the collapse of Soviet Union affected the Russian
military industrial complex and their production capacity
has come down from what it was in the Soviet era, but
their products are export oriented and relatively low
priced.
Israel on the other hand, is a late entrant in establishing
diplomatic relations with India but has emerged as an
important partner in various fields including the military
field. Such cooperation is based on India's realistic
assesment of the global and regional security environment
as well as technological requirement.
Indian Defence Industry
India has a diverse modern military industry. India's
arms acquisition has been motivated by a number of political,
economic and security considerations. The past experiences
of India in several armed conflicts with its neighbours
led to efforts by the government to intensify both indigenous
military hardware production and the import of arms.
Military strength was considered important to meet external
threats, to provide backing for India's position in world
affairs, to enhance its struggle for regional powers status,
for national prestige and to fulfil its wish to be recognised
as a technologically advanced country.
India has kept before itself the goal of self-reliance.
The two most important aspects of self-reliance have been
hedging against any disruption in the supply of spare
parts caused by changes in the international political
system and fielding systems that are appropriate for the
special conditions of the subcontinent, especially the
high altitudes of the Himalayan mountains, the heat and
dust of the Rajasthan desert and the high ambient temperature
of the Indian ocean.1 Indian military and industrial leaders
have sought state-of-the-art weaponry, not only to ensure
technological advantage, but also to demonstrate that
India's capabilities compare favourably with those of
industrialised countries. Local production from indigenous
designs was also intended to help the balance of payments
and provide employment for those with scientific and technical
skills who might otherwise seek opportunities abroad.
Indigenous designs were also intended to foster India's
international prestige and save on foreign exchange.2
India recognised the need to make its military manufacturing
complex more capable by indigenously producing weapons
when its chief supplier, the Soviet Union, disintegrated.
Despite an energetic drive for technological independence,
India imports major systems and components in great volume.
India's defence officials have indicated that they needed
as many as 100,000 spare parts to maintain aircraft, tanks,
guns, armaments, missiles, naval vessels and other weapons
procured from the erstwhile Soviet Union.3 Programmes
such as Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), Main Battle Tank,
Arjun and Advanced Light Helicopter though indigenous
have an unusually high precentage of imported components.4
Each of the three services (Army, Navy and Air Force)
requires equipment which includes new fighter aircraft,
frigates, submarines and missile systems as well as electronic
warfare systems, new transports and new helicopters. It
also has requirements to revamp its communications and
air defence systems. Moreover the cash strapped military
has been severely limited in its ability to modernise.5
India however is accelerating its self-reliance programme.
Given the problems with Russian purchases, there was a
need to diversify purchases. Many looked at the Israeli
offer in this context, where it was believed that there
would be no strings attached. India could seek Israeli
technology and expertise in both lethal and non-lethal
areas in which Israel has some credible achievements.
It included weapons systems as well as support equipments
like radar, electronic warfare equipment and a range of
engineering items used in border fencing. Israelis are
adept at the upgradation of armaments. The biggest advantage
of seeking military cooperation with Israel lies in the
fact that its technology is largely indigenous and facilitates
technology transfer with no end user problem. Given the
resource crunch India is not in a position to buy much
military hardware. The answer therefore lies in upgradation
of the existing armaments and the acquisition of force
multipliers.
Israeli Military Industrial Complex
Israel had been motivated to develop its armed industry
essentially because of security threats, vulnerability
to manipulations by the (embargoes), national pride, employment
in high technology, and import substitution and export
potential.
Israel has acquired a great degree of self-sufficiency
in arms build up. In addition to light arms, ammunition
and communications devices, other Israeli weaponry included
force multipliers, remotely piloted vehicles, electronic
and anti electronic warfare systems, night vision devices,
and naval equipment ranging from command and control systems,
missiles and anti missile systems to a variety of patrol
boats. Israeli hi-tech companies are known to be among
world leaders in radar, avionics and command and control
systems.
Defence firms in Israel have carved out a technological
niche for which they are gaining worldwide recognition
in the upgradation of weapons systems. Early efforts of
Israel's defence industry focussed on delivering basic
weapon systems such as tanks, fighter aircraft, artillery
and patrol boats. Now it has shifted its focus from developing
new platforms to its expertise in crafting advanced electronic
subsystems. By focussing on advanced electronic subsystems,
Israel's military industry has crafted scores of technologically
advanced components that give 20 or 30 year old weapon
systems new life and a qualitative edge and improves the
capabilities of fighter aircraft, helicopters, combat
vehicles, and command, control, communication, and intelligence
systems.6
Earnings from weapons exports are seen as essential for,
firstly, the well-being of the Israeli defence industries,
which in turn is the corner-stone of the country's security,
secondly, for the shoring up of its economy and finally,
to support the Research and Development that enables Israel
to maintain a leading edge in weapons technology.7 Besides,
the development cost of many Israeli projects is dependent
on income from exports. "Certain projects would not
have been undertaken, if there was no expectation of exports.
Without exports some industries would collapse and certain
projects would have to be abandoned".8 It is because
of the arms exports that the Israeli arms industry is
able to flourish.
The dominant policy impulse with Israel, so far as ties
with India are concerned is to seek broader and deeper
engagement with New Delhi. During Israeli President Ezer
Weizman's visit to India, Doron Suslik, Director of Corporate
Communications of Israeli Aircraft Industries (IAI) affirmed
that India is one of Israel's important markets. He said
Israel would be responsive to Indian requirements in producing
military and civil aircraft and its need in high technology
and computer software. Israel's approach was not what
could be called "in a donor's mode".9 Businessmen
in Weizman's delegation clarified that they were looking
for linkages with Indian firms not only for marketing
Israeli products, but also to jointly design and evolve
new software and technologies for export to other third
world countries.10
Military Cooperation
Pre-normalisation period
The motivations of both India and Israel pushed them into
the global arena and made them suitable partners in the
military area.
Though the basic structure of the Indo-Israel relations
was laid down by India's first Prime Minister Jawahar
Lal Nehru, who kept the relations at a low key in deference
to the value he attached to the relations with the Arab
countries, the Israeli authorities nevertheless tried
from time to time to upgrade the relationship. All the
successive governments in New Delhi showed the courtesies
to the visiting officials without upgrading the level
of diplomatic representations and sought Israeli help
in military matters. Before the two countries established
full diplomatic relations, they clandestinely cooperated
on military and intelligence matters. It was in January
1963, three months after the border conflict with China,
that the government of India showed willingness to consult
the Israeli specialists in military matters. In was then
that the Israeli Chief of Army Staff and the Chief of
Military Intelligence were welcomed to New Delhi for an
exchange of views with some of India's military top brass,
including the Chief of Army Staff.11
In subsequent years, Israeli dignitaries visited India
from time to time, for example, Mr. Yigal Alon, a member
of the Israeli cabinet in 196512 and Moshe Dayan in 1977.13
There was also prolonged cooperation between India's Research
and Analysis Wing (RAW) and its Israeli counterpart, the
Mossad (Israeli secret agency). Such cooperation existed
even during the premiership of Indira Gandhi, (1966-77
and 1980-84) and Rajiv Gandhi (1984-1989).14
India's secret contacts with Israel were also substantiated
by other sources. According to a controversial book, "By
Way of Deception" written by Victor Ostrovsky, a
former Israeli agent and a weapons testing expert, recruited
by Mosad, India sent a secret mission to Israel, comprising
top flight nuclear scientists in 1984. According to him
the secret Indian mission came to Israel to exchange information.15
Post Normalisation Period
Since establishment of diplomatic relations in 1992, there
had been more than 50 military related visits, contacts
and consultations between India and Israel. Israel was
more forthcoming in talking of defence ties and in fact
offered to help India in defence matters. While Israel
was more than eager to enter into a collaborative partnership
with India in military production and anti terrorist measures,
the Indian government was reluctant to respond. According
to S. Krishna Kumar, Minister of State for Defence, "there
was no proposal, no initiative, no offer for any kind
of defence ties with that country-that subject had not
even been formally discussed in the Defence Ministry."16
India's traditional Arab policy had been mainly responsible
for this, which itself was dictated by two major considerations.
First, Arab countries being the largest suppliers of oil
to India and source of hard currency remittance from NRIs
(Non Resident Indians), India did not want to antagonise
them by entering into diplomatic relations with a country
hostile to them. Secondly, Congress doggedly persisted
in its belief that having diplomatic relations with Israel
would prejudice its electoral prospects at home by alienating
the Muslim population.
Though at the outset the Indian government avoided talking
of military cooperation in public, but its interest in
getting help from Israel could not be hidden. Defence
Minister Sharad Pawar, indicated that the formal establishment
of full diplomatic ties between India and Israel paved
the way for drawing on Israel's successful experience
to curb terrorism. And that India would like to get acqainted
with Israel's experience in developing technology for
anti-terrorist operations.17 Krishna Kumar too said, "technically
no country could be excluded in such matters and that
Israel had certain defence capabilities worth noting."18
By mid 1992, India and Israel had made considerable progress
on the possibilities of cooperation in military matters.
A six member Israeli defence team visited India and had
meetings with several ministry officials.19 The team had
come at the invitation of the Ministry of Defence (MOD)
but gave no details of the talks. This visit (within five
months of establishing full diplomatic relations between
the two countries) was a significant indicator of the
rapid progress in Indo-Israel ties.
Positive signs were seen from both sides from time to
time. In an interview, Prime Minister of Israel, Yitzhak
Rabin talked very positively of defence ties with India.
"I believe if there is interest on the part of India,
I believe there is room for it. We are more than ready
to cooperate with India in the field of defence whenever
and wherever it suits India.20 Regarding fundamentalism
and terrorism, Rabin had said that they had been a victim
of this for a long time and emphasised that the same had
been the concern of India.21 J. N. Dixit's visit to Tel
Aviv in the wake of the Bombay blasts, added to the speculation
that cooperation in combating terrorism was a possible
area of common interest.22
In May 1993, Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres visited
India. Peres too dealt with the issues of terrorism and
India's territorial integrity. He also supported India's
stand on Kashmir. "We support fully and completely
the territorial integrity of India and agree with the
Shimla Agreement."23
General Helz Bodinger from Israel visited India in the
first week of April 1995. During his visit India was offered
a package deal, which included Airborne Warning and Control
Systems, Remotely Piloted Vehicles, access to an air platform
for anti detection and anti jamming manoeuvre and specialised
weapons.24 In July 1995, a high level Indian team, led
by Defence Secretary, K.A. Nambiar, visited Israel. The
defence Secretary's visit was necessitated by the urgency
to identify the avionics and weapons systems for MIG-21
Bis, which was being upgraded for India under the Indo-Russian
joint venture. The talks on the upgradation of the Russian
T-72 tank too were part of the agenda. At that time India
also showed interest in Remotely Piloted Vehicles.25
President Ezer Weizman visited India in January 1997.
He underlined India as a potential partner in the area
of aircraft industry.26 During his visit the two countries
decided to exchange military attaches. Following the visit,
senior Indian officials, visited Israel and inspected
advanced defence systems. India's top defence ministry
scientists too were reported to have visited Israel secretly
and toured satellite and missile programmes.27 A few days
after India tested its nuclear devices in May 1998, a
top ranking delegation from the IAI toured India. The
purpose was to accelerate the sale of Israeli made pilotless
aircraft anti-ship missiles.28
India's Defence Secretary T.K. Banerjee led a high level
defence delegation to Israel in February 1997.29 The Chief
of Army Staff General V.P. Malik visited Israel from March
8-13, 1998.30 According to India's military attache Col.
Brown it was a goodwill visit. "We are looking forward
to building a long lasting defence relationship".31
In 1998, the IAI finalised a large scale deal with India
to sell Advanced Electronic Equipment (AEEA).32 The equipment
was developed and manufactured in Israel and comprised
no American technology. Both the countries Israel and
India have been engaged in negotiations over AEE for over
a year and an Indian delegation even visited Israel to
inspect the equipment. The US was against this deal due
to the nuclear tests that India had conducted in May 1998.
It demanded that Israel should halt these negotiations.
The US pressure on Israel started after India carried
out nuclear tests, whereas in the past the US did not
oppose arms deals between the two countries. According
to the US, the deal violated an international arms control
treaty. Israel did not agree33 and resisted American pressure
to cancel the sale of AEE to India. Israeli officials
assured New Delhi, that contracts, negotiated over the
past year would be honoured.34 According to a later report,
Israel sold advanced electronic warfare system to India
over objections from the US which sought to block the
deal after India conducted nuclear tests explosions in
May 1998. The report did not elaborate but stated that
it was for defensive purposes. Similarly, a spokesman
for IAI declined to make any comment.35
During the recent incidents in Kashmir, Israel agreed
to speed up shipments of arms and military equipment to
India on the request of the Indian government to accelerate
the arms orders, which were submitted before the recent
developments. The Israeli defence establishment responded
favourably.36
India and Israel have maintained extensive security cooperation
in recent years. Prime Minister Ehud Barak has taken interest
in the development of relations with India and even held
a special debate on the matter. The two countries maintain
two forums for conferring, one between their respective
foreign ministries and the other between the defence ministries.
At periodic meetings, the parties exchange analyses of
the situation in the Middle East and Asia.37
At the base of the relationship between India and Israel
there appeared to be a similarity in an understanding
of the geo-political situation. Both are surrounded by
strong and hostile neighbours. According to a senior Israeli
official, "From the moment we established diplomatic
relations seven years ago, we found a common language".38
According to him, there was a deep understanding between
the two countries to have a fluent and clear dialogue.
A number of ongoing programmers in India are not radically
different from their Israeli counterparts. They include
the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) (Israel's Lavi), Arjun
(Merkava), Prithvi (Jericho I), and Agni (Jericho II).
The same can be said about a number of other Indian programmes
such as Remotely Piloted Vehicles, Airborne Early Warning
System, and anti-ballistic missile systems.39 In this
India can benefit from Israel as Israeli weapons are more
advanced and battle tested.
Areas of Cooperation
Upgrading of Aircraft
MiGs: Since the early 1990s, India has embarked upon the
upgrading of its MiG fleet. In order to upgrade the aging
MiG-21s (which would be replaced by the LCA in the early
part of the next decade-2005-2020), the Indian Ministry
of Defence considered offers from manufacturers in several
countries including France, Russia and Israel besides
considering a joint proposal from two state owned Indian
aerospace manufacturers (Hindustan Aeronautics Limited
(HAL) and Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA).40 During
the same year Israel intensified its efforts to secure
the lucrative contract to upgrade the MiG-21 bis aircraft
operating with the IAF.
According to industry sources, representatives of IAI
and Elta (a subsidiary of the IAI that manufactures electronic
weapons systems have had several rounds of discussions
with senior officials in the defence ministry. While the
IAI package was expensive, Israel insisted on the technical
superiority of their package over the Russian one.41
According to Jane's Defence Weekly, India's avionics selection
is multinational and that Israel was to improve the MiG-21
cockpit layout, including a head-up display.42 During
the same year, there were reports that the IAI had been
given the contract for installing the electronic warfare
equipment in the MiG upgrade that the IAF had embarked
upon.43 However, according to the latest reports, the
upgradation of two Mig-21 aircraft are underway in Russia.
After that the upgradation of the rest of the aircraft
will be in India.
Light Combat Aircraft
India's 17 year old LCA programme, delayed by more than
a decade, continues to be plagued by serious technical
uncertainties and cost overruns, according to India's
Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG). The CAG report
stated that it was beset with delays for almost every
vital component of the aircraft and has compelled the
Indian Air Force (IAF) to seek interim measures to cover
the shortfall of aircraft by upgrading around 125 MiG
21 bis fighters. The LCA was originally expected to begin
replacing the Mig 21s which form the backbone of the IAF,
by late 1990s. LCA's airframe, multimode radar, its flight
control system are all behind schedule.44
Also the first two LCA prototypes were to be powered by
US General Electric F404-FJ23 engines (which were bought
in 1986 for the prototype LCAs) despite protests from
the US government after Washington imposed sanctions on
India for its 1998 nuclear tests. The US engines would
ultimately be replaced by the locally developed Kaveri,
which has undergone extensive testing in Russia.45 According
to Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, head of the DRDO and scientific
adviser to the government, each LCA was expected to cost
$22 million and that foreign participation will bring
down its cost to $15-$18 million.46
Israeli experience in avionics, airframes and the incorporation
of engine and weapons into the airframe can be useful
in the development of LCA.47
Advanced Light Helicopters: The development of Advanced
Light Helicopters (ALH) had been adversely affected after
Washington imposed sanctions on India for the 1998 nuclear
testing. The US embargo resulted in almost total stoppage
of activity in regard to the ALH as it stopped getting
the turbo shaft engine from the US. It was recommended
that the government swiftly seek an alternative engine
supplier and avoid all future dealings with companies
in sanctions imposing countries.48 Here again Israeli
technology and expertise can be explored in order to remove
the difficulties.
Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS): India was
keen to collaborate with Israel in the indigenous AWACS
development project. The Defence Research Development
Organisation (DRDO) received a proposal from the IAI on
the probability of the collaboration in the project.49
According to the sources in the Ministry of Defence, Israel
offered to sell 3 AWACS aircraft to India. But finally,
in a recent move, the Indian Air Force got two advanced
early warning aircraft from Russia. They have landed at
the Chandigarh airbase.50 According to the published data,
one of the variants of the aircraft is a Russia-Israel
joint venture. Though the Centre for Airborne Systems
in India is developing an Airborne Early Warning Systems
for the Indian armed forces, the need for AWACS has been
expedited by the recent Pakistan backed infiltration in
Kargil. The need for the aircraft was hastened because
India needed to keep a strict vigil on any movement in
Indian and Pakistani airspace, along the Line of Control
and the international borders.51 The Kargil experience
underscored the importance of the state-of-the-art surveillance
capabilities.
Surveillance Equipments: Unmanned Air Vehicles (UAVs)/Remotely
Piloted Vehicles (RPVs)
UAVs are increasingly being viewed as strategic force
multipliers since they send virtual real time data and
pictures from deep inside the enemy territory while safely
dodging enemy radars. It can give data on enemy's force
deployment, kind of weapons and equipment deployed and
the level of enemy's defence preparedness along borders.
The Israelis are among the world leaders in the field
of UAV manufacturing. The Israeli UAVs are much smaller,
lighter and thus have more manoeuverability and strategic
value. The IAI, an established player in the UAV market
has proved that there was significant export opportunity.
During the Paris air show held in June 1995, the Israelis
displayed its largest range of UAVs.52
Airborne surveillance has been one of the key areas of
Indo-Israel defence cooperation. India and Israel have
already signed a contract for UAVs to boost India's air
surveillance arm.53 Both the countries are exploring joint
production of UAVs. Negotiations on potential joint production
of the 'heron' UAV for the Indian Navy have already reached
an advanced stage.54 The "heron" is the most
modern UAV made by the IAI and has a longer range and
more sophisticated payload than the 'searcher' which India
had first agreed to buy from Israel in 1996.55 According
to the latest reports, India is all set to import from
Israel more sophisticated and higher range UAVs for more
effective surveillance of the high altitude ranges in
Jammu and Kashmir bordering Pakistan.56
Acquisition of UAVs has become all the more important
after the Kargil experience. It was considered as one
of the high priority requirements by the IAF. The Indian
Air Force Chief A.Y. Tipnis confirmed, that the IAF had
stressed for immediate induction of the UAVs for more
intensive human intelligence of the 140 km long difficult
stretch of high altitude ranges along the line of control
in Kargil sector.57 The Indian armed services already
have a few UAVs at their disposal which were used during
the Kargil war, but unfortunately the UAVs were not found
to be that effective as world class UAVs are, mainly because
not many international UAV manufacturing companies are
manufacturing high altitude UAVs.
As regards the RPVs, the MOD has reached the final stage
of the deal with Israel. India was planning to have one
time purchase of RPVs including technology transfer which
will not only fill India's operational requirements, but
also help develop the indigenous RPV project.58
Main Battle Tank (MBT)
Another very important DRDO project concerning combat
vehicles is the indigenous design, development and production
of the Main Battle Tank, Arjun, which is supposed to replace
the older, license produced, Vijayanta tanks. The MBT
project began in the 1970s, with the original plan envisaging
deployment in the mid 1980s. However in view of critical
changes in technologies over the years, the army's requirements
for the tank were also successfully altered and which
in turn revised costs.59 According to Indian defence industry
sources, the chassis intended for the Arjun MBT has been
plagued by technical problems and cost overruns.60 Israeli
expertise again can be found to be of great help in this
area as Arjun is the counterpart of the Israeli tank,
Merkava.
Missiles
India launched its ambitious, Integrated Guided Missile
Development Programme in 1983. This programme involved
design, development and production of five missile systems:
Intermediate Range Ballistic Missile (IRBM) Agni, surface
to surface missile, Prithvi, short range surface to air
missile, Trishul, medium range surface to air missile
Aakash and the anti tank missile, Nag. Israel has an impressive
arsenal of indigenous missiles including ship to ship
missile Gabriel, air to air missile Python, air to surface
missile, Popeye, surface to surface missile, Jericho I
and IRBM Jericho II. They were developed and some even
deployed prior to India's guided missile development programme
in the early 1980s, and hence are more advanced and battle
tested.61
Israel is in a good position to help develop more effective
and cost efficient missile defences. According to media
reports, India is negotiating for Israeli missile technology
to perfect the launching and guidance systems of the Prithvi,
an indigenously developed surface-to-surface missile and
also seeking Israeli help in electronics for its submarine
launched Sagarika missile.62
India has also sought certain technical assistance from
Israel to develop Akash, the countrys indigenous missile
system. These missiles can counter the threat posed by
M-11 acquired by Pakistan. Israel is also helping India
in developing state-of-the-art air to air missiles.63
Navy
India and Israel are collaborating on IAI's 'Super Dvora'
Mark II, Fast Attack Craft. In 1997, India purchased two
Super Dvora Mark II attack boats and has been licenced
to build another four.64 It was followed by awarding the
contract to IAI's Ramta Division, Beersheba and Goa Shipyards
limited for the production of the crafts.65 It is reported
that if India's efforts towards fast patrol boats are
successful, the two could jointly produce upto 80 boats
for India's Navy and Coast Guard.66
According to other reports, Israeli firms have also upgraded
electronic warfare equipments for the Indian Navy's aircraft
carrier, the INS Viraat.67
Maritime surveillance: Israel has offered its advanced
multimode maritime surveillance radar to the Indian Navy
to counter the threat from the Pakistani naval fleet which
is equipped with the US made P3C Orion maritime surveillance
aircraft. David Traim, Deputy Director Elta Electronics
of the IAI informed that a proposal offering the radar
to the Navy has been submitted to the Indian Defence Ministry.
The Israeli radar will largely meet the immediate requirements
of the Navy and can be fitted on to patrol helicopters.68
Nuclear Issue
After the nuclear explosion by India in May 1998, both
India and Israel have come in for criticism and unsubstantiated
charges about cooperation in the nuclear field have been
tossed around. The Indian diplomats denied the speculation
that Israel assisted India in the May tests69 and regarded
the allegations of Indo-Israeli cooperation in nuclear
and missile fields as baseless. Ranjin Mathai, Indian
Ambassador to Israel denied any relationship with Israel
in the nuclear field.70 The same was also denied by the
External Affairs Ministry spokesman who stated that, "while
India had interaction with Israel in various fields, they
had nothing to do with its nuclear programme."71
Israel took the same stand.
Alon Ben David, Israel's Army affairs correspondent said-"It
is important to stress that the defence ties between India
and Israel did not deal with nuclear issues, only conventional
arms export."72
So far as Israel's response to India's nuclear tests was
concerned, Israel's Foreign Ministry did not condemn India's
nuclear weapons test. The Foreign Ministry spokesman,
Mr. Haim Koren refrained from issuing a special condemnation
of Indian tests and refused to say whether Israel would
impose sanctions on India or re-examine the close military
ties between the two countries.73 The Foreign Ministry
of Israel however stated that "Israel has signed
the CTBT that prohibits any nuclear weapons test explosions
or any other nuclear explosion and we hope all states
will become parties to this treaty."74 There is however
a section in Israel which brought forth the view that
India's nuclear tests could indirectly pose a threat to
Israel. According to Haifa University security specialist
Professor Gabriel Ben-Dor, this was very bad for Israel
from several points of view.
"Firstly it raises the question of punitive US action
against India which might, in the future, be considered
a precedent for similar action against Israel.
Secondly, the Indian tests are likely to give momentum
to the Pakistani nuclear programme and give it more legitimacy…
The Pakistani nuclear programme is supposed to be the
source of the so called Islamic bomb."75 The same
fear was expressed by David Bar Illan, spokesman for Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, "We are worried that
Pakistani tests will encourage Tehran and Baghdad to acquire
nuclear weapons."76
Indo-Israel military cooperation did not seem to fade
in the wake of nuclear explosions by India. According
to a report, Israel was providing India with intelligence
on Pakistan from its spy satellite. In return, India gave
permission for Israeli military intelligence experts to
undertake missions on Indian territory to monitor points
of interest.77 Also, the deal on AEE was made after the
May tests.
US Factor
Israel is immensely dependent upon the US for its military
support besides political and economic. A lot of Israeli
military equipment has US components. For the export of
these items Israel has to seek the consent of the US.
In 1991, Israel was brought under the Missile Technology
Control Regime (MTCR) and this seriously limited Israel's
ability to export sensitive technologies to India. For
example, the Arrow anti-missile project, developed by
Israel and funded by the US comes under the technology
rights agreement between the US and Israel. As India is
not a close ally of the US, this would impede any Israeli
transfer of Arrow missiles or technologies to India in
case India needs that technology.78 The US also tried
to bloc the sale of AEE from Israel to India even though
it contained no American technology.
Conclusion
India's military needs are likely to grow. There are tremendous
constraints on upgrading and modernising the armed forces.
Though the Indian policy makers have decided to be self-sufficient
in core technologies like missiles, tanks and air craft,
there is a vast need for inputs, import of components
and collaboration. Moreover, the cost of doing research
and development can be crippling in economic terms.
The major problems encountered in producing indigenously
developed weapons are, first, the indigenous projects
rely to a large extent on technical assistance from abroad,
and secondly, they have a long research and development
gestation period and the delayed production has led to
the manufacture of weapons that were already obsolete
by the time series production started.
The hope to move gradually from the import of arms via
licenced production towards indigenous development and
production of arms has so far not been realised. There
is a definite business potential for new entrants to supply
military equipment to the Indian armed forces. Here, besides
other countries, Israel is engaged in supplying India
with state-of-the-art equipment and technologies.
The biggest benefit of military cooperation with Israel
can be in the areas of electronics, missile technology
and intelligence. Israel has vast experience of fighting
in both stony and sand dune waste areas. Given a similar
desert terrain in India, a regular interaction between
the two armies can be useful.
In essence, Indo-Israel relations have grown in importance
because it is based on very practical considerations.
For India, Israel is a source of high technology in many
including military related industries and it is evidently
even more vital after post-Pokhran sanctions on India.
Building ties with Israel could be an effective counter-balance
to Pakistan's military and political tactics. For Israel,
India is a large and lucrative market. Any meaningful
relationship between India and Israel is more likely to
cover joint research, joint production and technology
transfer.
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