Q: It has been noted that
the popularity graph of PPP in Sindh has gone down considerably
during the recent years. What are the reasons?
BB: Some people
do think that the graph of the PPP in Sindh has gone
down during recent years. Others believe otherwise noting
that the PPP actually won the last elections which were
heavily rigged. For me, PPP is the most popular Party
in the country, the only Federal Party with the vision,
the program, the team and the experience to build a
modern Pakistan on democratic lines where there is prosperity
and progress for its people.
The PPP secured the largest number
of seats in the Sindh Provincial Assembly, secured the
largest number of Senate seats and in terms of popular
vote also got the largest numbers. This was clearly
a victory. Its another matter that unconstitutional
use was made of the ISI, Rangers, Provincial and Central
Governments to cheat the people of the victory they
bestowed on the PPP.
This success was achieved despite
the massive manipulations, gerrymandering and rigging
by the regime. The hounding of the political opponents,
the making of unholy alliances to keep the PPP out,
the massive coercion and inducements to break the will
of our people were all employed shamelessly and ruthlessly
but failed to achieve the purposes of the regime.
Q: It is said that when
PPP is out of power, it forcefully pleads the case of
Sindh. However, when it was in power, it promoted the
case of Punjab versus Sindh. What are your comments?
BB: The PPP is
a Federalist Party supporting a federal structure of
the state. The pro establishment parties like to argue
that the PPP plays the Sindh card. They do this as offensive
defence for their policy of marginalising the smaller
provinces in the key decision making apparatus. The
nationalists in the province are wary of the PPP because
its strong and popular base foiled their attempts to
gain power on the basis of regionalism.
The PPP and I promote the politics
of Federalism believing that poverty, hunger , backwardness,
prejudice and discrimination knows no region, no race
and no gender. However, because I am from Sindh, there
will be those who will exploit my ethnicity to cast
confusion on my politics. I take it in my stride having
confidence in the political astuteness of the people
of Pakistan from Khyber to Karachi.
Sindh is a smaller province and
like other smaller provinces has its share of grievances.
We believe that Sindh has many genuine grievances, which
must be addressed. The grievances include the denial
of the Sindh assembly to choose a government of its
own and the imposition of a regime on the people of
Sindh from Islamabad to act as a handmaiden to Islamabad
rather than as the legitimate voice of the people of
the province.
When the PPP is in power in the
center it respects the principle of Federalism allowing
the genuine aspirations of the people of Sindh without
undue interference in their affairs. It does this with
regard to other provinces too. Its when that principle
is violated that a hue and cry is raised.
Q: The people of Sindh
and the other two provinces (NWFP and Balochistan) are
subservient to Punjab. For example, Sindh's contribution
towards National Resources Pool is over 190 billion
rupees. In return it is getting only 25/30 billion rupees.
Now as an Opposition Party in Sindh, your Party is shedding
crocodile tears for Sindh. You were in power twice but
Sindh did not get its equitable share in NFC Award and
Indus water.
BB: There is
a misperception on the issue of the NFC award. According
to the Constitution the NFC award is announced after
regular interval of five years. The NFC award was already
announced when the PPP took over. The PPP government
was overthrown by a conspiracy in which the Prime Minister's
brother was killed to overthrow the Prime Minister's
government. Thus PPP was denied the opportunity of completing
its five year term and taking up the NFC which would
have come before it in due constitutional course. The
Sindh provincial chapter is agitating for the rightful
share for the province in the NFC award.
Q: Your Party in real
sense is of 'Waderas' and 'Choudhries'. You were in
power twice; you did nothing for the abolition of the
feudal syndrome in Pakistan? Is it because your family
is one of them?
BB: Its wrong
to say that the PPP is a Party of the Waderas and the
Choudhries. The PPP is a Party of the farmers, laborers,
students, women, minorities, the working classes, the
middle classes and the youth.
My Family, like others, was once
upon a time a feudal unit with holdings of tens of thousands
of acres at one time. It is no more so. Under Quaid
e Awam feudalism was abolished. The PPP twice reduced
the ceiling of land holdings through land reform and
gave proprietary rights to the tenants. The Party was
the first to strike and strike deeply at the very heart
of feudal structure and feudalism in the country.
Now there is a competition for
credit between the urban and the rural sector. The label
of feudalism is used to deny the farmers their right
share in the credit and other resources of the land.
This is wrong and one of the reasons of the economic
malaise facing the country. The farming sector contributes
substantially to the export and earnings of the Nation
as well as providing jobs. To overcome unemployment
and economic misery, we need to stop those who use "feudalism"
as an empty slogan to continue the unfair distribution
of resources. Poverty is eating into the social fabric
of Pakistan. Water is already in shortage and food shortages
in the twenty first century pose a real threat. We need
to invest fairly and equitably between the rural and
urban sectors.
Q: It appears you had
tried every thing to get 'Aashirwad' (Blessings) of
the military government of General Pervez Musharraf.
In the beginning, you had supported the Army and you
are still busy attempting a sort of 'compromise' with
the Army?
BB: Yes, the
military regime tries to give the impression that the
PPP tried to get its Aashirwad. But its wrong in its
claims. The military regime was upset with the PPP because,
while we welcomed the overthrow of the Nawaz regime
as called for by the Grand Democratic Alliance, we also
insisted that an interim government be formed to hold
fair, free and impartial elections. This the military
regime had little intention of doing and thus began
the persecution of the PPP to prevent its voice for
freedom and democracy.
Recognizing that the country was
under a military rule and with the goal of facilitating
a transfer to a democratic society, the PPP did keep
the doors of dialogue open. The dialogue failed because
the two parties involved were unable to come up with
a compromise that was acceptable to it. The PPP goal
was the democratization of Pakistan and respect for
human rights. The military regime was prepared to do
the politics of hostage taking and negotiate on the
basis of its hostage Senator Zardari. It took great
courage to defy the blackmail which is why people respect
the PPP. They know the PPP is for the people, by the
people and of the people and that the PPP will always
put the people of the country and its principles before
shady deals and power hungry politics.
Obviously we expect the release
of our imprisoned leaders, including Senator Zardari
whom the regime holds hostage. We expect our human rights
to be respected and acknowledged. I pay tribute to Sen.
Zardari for facing his seventh year in prison heroically
for the sake of the Party and the people. He could have
cut a deal to save his health, his family,his livelihood
and he refused to do so sacrificing his happiness for
a larger cause, the cause of the emancipation of the
people of Pakistan from the clutches of a military dictatorship.
Q: It appears that you
have made a 'compromise' on the principles, which Shaheed
Bhutto set to ameliorate the lot of the poor people.
There was no allegation of corruption on Shaheed Bhutto
even from his worst enemies but you are facing a flood
of such allegations. Any comments?
BB: I have a
different view. Both Shaheed Bhutto and I faced politically
motivated criminal charges in a bid to eliminate our
leadership although the charges were different. Both
of us refused to bow down in the face of those charges.
Q: When you were in power
particularly the second term, you forgot the people
of Lyari. For example last time you did not make any
significant visit to Lyari. The elected members of Lyari
did nothing for Lyari and you did not make them accountable?
BB: I am part
of the people of Lyari and they are part of me. Lyari
is the heart of the PPP support in Karachi and the center
of its anti military struggle. The paths of Lyari are
wet with the blood of our martyrs amongst whom I too
was tear gassed. I did visit Lyari during my second
tenure as Prime Minister and many programs of social
uplift were introduced. With the overthrow of the PPP
government, people of Lyari, like working classes and
middle classes elsewhere, were orphaned. However, PPP
will be back. PPP is the hope of Lyari and of Pakistan
and its impoverished people upon whom the curse of suicide
bombings and militancy has been foisted by the unrepresentative
rulers.
Q: People of Sindh are
still casting their votes for PPP in the name of Shaheed
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. However, your contribution for
the people of Sindh is negligible. What do you say?
BB: Every village,
every hut and every home in Sindh, as elsewhere, bears
the signs and evidence of the development and prosperity
that Pakistan Peoples Party under Quaid e Awam and his
daughter's leadership brought under different tenures.
To give one small example: every child in every village
and town was and is being given polio drops to save
them from a crippling disease because of the PPP government
formed in 1993.
Q: How can you still defend
and condone what all your husband has done while in
power? It is only because he is your dear husband? Does
loyalty come before truth?
BB: I do defend
my husband because truth is important and so is loyalty.
I am glad and heartened that so do the people of the
Party and of Pakistan. I consider Asif framed by a powerful
establishment bent upon overthrowing my government by
hitting at my husband. If my husband cared about money,
he would have done a deal with the government to save
his businesses. He refused all deals. Asif cares about
carrying on the mission of Quaid e Awam in building
a modern, democratic, prosperous Pakistan. The venom
of the regime against Asif for being the husband of
a woman leader is evident from the fact that he when
he was freed on bail in a 20th case, a 21st case was
made against him.
For me Asif is a prisoner of conscience
and has been given the title of 'Mard-i-Hur'.