The public opinion about the current military administration is discernibly different from what it was in the previous three military regimes. Soon after the first military takeover by Gen. Ayub Khan in 1958, people were generally happy. The armed forces were respected as defenders of our geographical boundaries in view of the tense relationship between India and Pakistan. This was especially true of Punjab where the criterion of patriotism was to be an enemy of India. Any one talking of friendship between India and Pakistan was considered to be a traitor and an Indian agent.

When Ayub Khan assumed the role of a politician -- after abusing politics, politicians and political parties for about four years -- he was supported by the traditional political opportunists. This gave birth to Convention Muslim League -- the general's party. Initially, the only resistance to the first martial law came from students in Karachi. This was the time when most of the political parties had gone into hibernation. The resistance in Karachi forced Ayub Khan and his strategists to shift the federal capital from Karachi to Rawalpindi, where the GHQ was which later led to the construction of Islamabad.

It was the agitation by all sections of society, Fatima Jinnah's decision to enter into practical politics and a loss of 243 lives that forced Ayub Khan out of politics. Even after the countrywide agitation for more than a year, general public was reluctant to directly criticise the armed forces; the target was Ayub Khan and the constitution he had adopted as a politician.

Gen. Yahya Khan was acceptable to the people because he had accepted all their demands during the year-long agitation -- including the holding of the first general elections on the basis of adult franchise. However, the military junta refused to honour the people's mandate and an unprecedented agitation ensued in the former East Pakistan.

This culminated in a civil war and later war with India. People in the former eastern wing were happy, while public in the western part was shocked and depressed about their failure. Before they could realise that the political ambitions of the armed forces were responsible for the debacle, Gen. Yahya's comrades in arms made a very clever move: they sacrificed Yahya Khan for their own safety and political ambitions in future. People, in what remained of Pakistan, were made to believe that the bottle of Black Dog and about half a dozen begmaat were responsible for the debacle.

Z.A. Bhutto was transferred power as Yahya's colleagues wanted to save their skin from people's wrath. Bhutto tried to restore the confidence of the shattered nation. But, instead of building and strengthening political institutions, he decided to restore and revive the image of armed forces as saviours of the nation -- only to find himself at the receiving end only after five years.

The third martial law came in the wake of violent agitation by the religious parties and a visible American wrath against Bhutto and his policies. The judiciary once again played a key role in cementing the political power of the military junta. One of the many collaborators of Ziaul Haq, Maj. Gen. Rahat Latif, has recently denied Mustafa Khar's equally recent claim that he was one of the two officers who had physically thrashed Bhutto in jail. Many others like him have tried to clear their names from the doings of the most ruthless military dictator, after his removal from the scene of course.

But more interesting is Gen. Rahat's disclosure that the army contingent called by the Bhutto administration to help civil administration in Lahore to control law and order situation had refused to open fire on civilians of their own country. One wonders if some conscientious officers had also refused to become a party to flog political workers, or to open fire on their own countrymen in former East Pakistan, or in Morro in Nawabshah district in 1983 and in Balochistan during the Bhutto senior's government. When the PNA components had demanded from Bhutto to end military action in the province he asked Ziaul Haq to withdraw forces. Ziaul Haq had refused saying that armed forces would not like it. Bhutto had asked Ziaul Haq to convince the PNA leaders, and Ziaul Haq made a presentation before them. However, forces were withdrawn from Balochistan, after the imposition of martial law.

This and a lot of other historical evidence confirms that military establishment was, and still is, biased against PPP and its leaders.

The difference between the previous three military regimes and the present Musharraf administration is in the calibre of civilian supporters, calling themselves politicians in each case. The slide downward in the quality of political leadership, both among the supporters of the military rulers and the opposition, has resulted in greater encroachment by the armed forces in political affairs. Even the assemblies elected on non-party basis in 1985 were qualitatively better than the present crowd in the parliament. Mohammad Khan Junejo, the nominee of Gen. Zia, never called the Martial Law Administrator his boss. Complete control of the military establishment of the civilian affairs in the present setup even after the elections without any efforts of resistance from the ruling alliance.

Javed Hashmi's arrest and its defence by the ruling party has not done any good for the armed forces which should, as a matter of principle, remain uncontroversial. The recent statement by the federal information minister, who is also the official spokesman of the government, that Gen. Pervez Musharraf should accept the office of the president of Muslim League (Q) is just an example.

The people of Pakistan have a right to know whether the idea has been discussed and approved by the ruling party or it is just a gesture showing loyalty for the General by the minister. The idea is not a new one -- Gen. Ayub Khan was offered the top political office of Convention Muslim League by Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman in 1962, and Ayub Khan had obliged the politicians by accepting the offer. But many political observers believe that Sh. Rashid Ahmad could not make such an offer on his own.

Politics all over the world is a controversial field. Whoever decides to indulge in politics cannot expect to remain above criticism and uncontroversial.